As Judt observes, Europe is distinguished as a continent by both its compact, vaguely demarcated geography, and the intense conflict to which it has historically played host. The former of these would seem a logical precondition for the development of a federal, or at least supranational structure, which would at a minimum reduce diplomatic, economic, and social transaction costs within its borders; the latter, though indicating the existence of ethnic and cultural boundaries which often work against such endeavours, also reinforces such a body's necessity. Yet, despite the accelerating evolution of Europe towards this end, the obstacles currently being met by it are proving to be the most inert to date - and, indeed, represent the very forces which have repeatedly torn the continent apart.
Postwar, like many other analyses, attributes the origins of the EU to the European political elite's reluctant recognition, in the aftermath of two world wars, of the need to construct an intracontinental bullwark, in which member-nations would share a stake, binding them to common interests and muting the mechanisms of escalation which previously precipitated military conflict. Indeed, it was to this end that France and Germany - formerly the epicenter of continental wars - became the economic axis of the European Coal and Steel Community. In this respect, which we may call conflict-avoidance, European integration has been remarkably successful, evolving to the point where the outbreak of war between members is not just unlikely, but unthinkable. This has allowed the EU to take on, in addition to its preventionary role, one of mitigation, intervening in crises on its borders with multinational peacekeeping forces.
In many other areas - most notably economics, where the development of a single-market and advent of the Euro have created the largest economy in the world (in terms of nominal GDP) - European integration and its end-product, the EU, have proved a massive success; but, while many elites continue to press for the "final evolution" of the body into a federation, it would be inaccurate to label it as such today. The hallmarks of every federation - from the United States, to Russia, to the Empire's shadowy precursor in George Lucas' "Star Wars" - include strong (if not necessarily dominant) central government, clear delineation and distribution of powers, and the development of common and cohesive policy on important international questions. Simply put, member states of a federation must be willing to act for its good, not merely in parallel insofar as it suits their own interests.
Recent and ongoing events illustrate this. Efforts at developing a Common Defense Policy have failed, unable to overcome popular desire to retain national sovereignty. The hollowness of the Union's efforts at a Common Foreign Policy was exposed, in only the latest incident, by the cacophony of disparate reactions to Russia's invasion of Georgia. And perhaps most importantly, the successive rejections of both the European Constitution and the Treaty of Lisbon, by popular referenda, demonstrated that Europeans themselves are loathe to relinquish their Westphalian conception of nationhood - much to the annoyance and embarrasment of the European political elite.
Despite this, one would be hard-pressed to argue that Europe is not closer to federation than it was in the immediate aftermath of WWII which forms the context for Postwar. The gradual process by which the European Coal and Steel Community, European Economic Community, European Community, and others led to the contemporary European Union is by no means over, and much evidence exists to suggest it is proceeding with more momentum than before as attitudes, perceptions, and world affairs develop. For the time-being, it may be wise to categorize Europe as a confederation - membership is voluntary, most supranational action is subject to ratification or review by the states in which it is applied, and those states retain a large amount of power independent of, and vis-a-vis to, the EU itself. Nevertheless, as T.R. Reid posits in "The United States of Europe," this modern Europe is becoming increasingly powerful in all aspects of world affairs - regardless of the labels or classifications we seek to attach to it.
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